လက္ရွိေတြ႔ဆံုေဆြးေႏြးမွုႏွင့္ ေျမျပင္တုိက္ပြဲမ်ားျပင္းထန္ေနမွုအေပၚ UNFC ၏သေဘာထားထုတ္ျပန္ခ်က္

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STATEMENT REGARDING VIOLENT CRACKDWON ON EDUCATION MOVEMENT

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PRESENTATION ON MYANMAR CHAPTER

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MYANMAR STATE MEDIA MISLABELS AIR BAGAN CRASH PHOTO AS KIA MINE BLAST

State-run newspapers have misled millions of readers by cropping a photo of a motorcycle smashed during the December 25 Air Bagan crash and printing it beside a story about a mine blast in Kachin State.

The photo was published in the January 28 edition of the New Light of Myanmar in both English and Myanmar languages, with the caption: "An innocent people dies in mine blast by KIA (Kachin) group near Zanan village on Myitkyina-Putao Road."

The single-paragraph story beside the photograph was headlined, "KIA mine blast kills one," and reported that three motorcyclists had triggered a mine while riding from Myitkyina to Putao about 10:30am on January 27.

The photo had been heavily cropped to remove the crowd of onlookers around the motorbike. The original photo was taken by the Myanmar Police Force shortly after the December 25 crash near Heho Airport. The motorbike pictured was ridden by U Pyar, who died after being hit by the aircraft.

The revelation is likely to fuel accusations that state media has been used to disseminate government propaganda about the conflict. State newspapers have regularly featured stories about KIA attacks on civilians and the Tatmadaw, but refrained from covering the impact of Tatmadaw offensives.

The photo was published the same day as the Ministry of Defence issued a press release accusing "some internal and external organisations, embassies and media" of issuing "fabricated news as to armed conflicts in Kachin State".

"Although the official media stated the atrocities of KIA … those organisations turned a blind eye to the actual events and issued fabricated news. Such biased news could cause misunderstanding in the public and international community," the press statement said.

MyanmarTimes (Click here)

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BURMA'S VICE-PRESIDENT IMPLICATED IN KACHIN MASSACRES

Burma's Vice President Tin Aung Myint Oo should be investigated by a United Nations' Commission of Inquiry for his role as regional commander during a series of brutal massacres in Shan State, says the leadership of the Kachin Independence Army (KIA).

In interviews conducted last week with The Irrawaddy at their military headquarters in Laiza, Kachin State, three of the influential leaders of the KIA—Brig-Gen James Lum Dung, Brig-Gen Gun Maw, and Col. Zau Raw—laid out detailed reports with maps and photographs that they said proves conclusively that the Burmese army committed atrocities against Kachin soldiers and civilians over the past 10 years.
The first and second of these massacres, according to the KIA, came in 2001 under the watch of Burma's new vice-president who was Northeast Regional Commander at that time.
Slide Show (View)
Asked why evidence of such atrocities had never before been reported, the KIA leaders said that they had not publicized the massacres to avoid destroying the fragile political process during the 17-year ceasefire and while the constitution was being drafted.
Collectively and individually, the KIA leaders said that now that the ceasefire has been broken by the Burmese army, and that all hope of political negotiation has broken down, the KIA wants to present its allegations to the UN, and claims that the four mass killings and three summary executions constitute war crimes and crimes against humanity.
According to the KIA's documentation, which is written in Kachin language, the first incident occurred in March 2001, in the countryside a few kilometers from Lau Jai village in Mung Si District, which is in Muse Township in northern Shan State.
The area was at the time openly under the control of the KIA. At 9 am on March 22, four KIA soldiers on patrol came across a unit of approximately 100 Burmese infantry troops of Division 242 led by Maj. Khin Maung Hla, the commander of Kutkai Military Command in Muse.
Initially, the Burmese patrol requested the KIA soldiers to guide them to the village of Shauk Haw. Before reaching the village, the four Kachin soldiers were attacked, disarmed and tied up. At around 2 pm, they were all shot dead. Their bodies were half-buried on top of each other in a shallow grave in the forest.
The KIA recovered the corpses one month later. They recorded the deceased as: Sergeant Zatau Dau Hawng, and private soldiers Laphai Zau Bawk, Dashi Nawng Hkum and Kareng Tu Lum. The KIA report says a formal funeral was held for the four on April 22, 2001.
On the same day, a harrowing scene was played out at a small agricultural farm in Mung Si District in Shan State. The KIA report lists the plot in the hamlet of Nawng Tau Si Sa Pa, and says the farm was run by the KIA's 2,000-strong Battalion 4, as part of a regional development program initiated after the ceasefire in 1994.
It is alleged that a column of 70 Burmese troops approached the farm and requested a meeting with Second Lieutenant Hpuwang Naw Seng of the KIA. However, as Naw Seng was otherwise engaged, the KIA's Warrant Officer Lt. Gam Seng went out to meet the Burmese unit which was led by Lt. Col. Nyo Win from Light Infantry Division 242—the very same unit accused of involvement in the executions in Muse.
As soon as Gam Seng came before the Burmese troops, he was allegedly grabbed and tied up. Simultaneously, Burmese government troops broke into the farmhouse and arrested five KIA soldiers, including Naw Seng, and two civilians.
According to the KIA records, the captives were taken to a nearby forest and physically tortured throughout the night. They were all dead by the following morning.
Some weeks later, the KIA recovered the seven bodies in a swamp. Each had multiple stab wounds, which the KIA said were inflicted by bayonets. Each of the bodies showed evidence of burning to the genitals. On some trees nearby, the KIA found samples of the victims' hair mixed with blood.
Irrawaddy

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No united army for us, rebels vow

Large-scale fighting beckons as ceasefire groups defy a Rangoon order to give up their military wings

Maxmilian Wechsler

The Burmese junta has set an end-of-year deadline for 12 ceasefire armies to come under the control of a new military body, but at the moment there is mainly defiance and real fears of a conflict with the biggest military group - the United Wa State Army (UWSA).

Khuensai Jaiyen

As the deadline draws closer, Spectrum spoke to key figures in the negotiations to form the new Border Guard Force (BGF) and militia and learned that six ceasefire groups are in favour of joining, and six are opposed to it.

The New Democratic Army-Kachin (NDA-K), the Kayan National Guard (KNG), the Karenni Nationalities People Liberation Front (KNPLF), the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA), the Kachin Defence Army (KDA) and the Pa-O National Army (PNA) support the idea. The Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO), the Kayan New Land Party (KNLP), the New Mon State Party (NMSP), the United Wa State Army (UWSA), Shan State Army-North (SSA-N) and National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA) oppose it.

Burma experts expressed concern that if Burma's ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) cannot get the Wa Army to comply soon, there is a real chance of armed conflict in the northern and southern Wa areas bordering China and Thailand. If this happens, other ceasefire groups, like the KIO, NDAA or NMSP, might join the conflict.

Colonel Lum Dau,

Anti-government groups like the Shan State Army-South, which have not signed a ceasefire, might also get involved. Any armed conflict involving the UWSA, which is the second largest army after the Burmese military, would have far-reaching security consequences for the whole Southeast Asian region, especially China and Thailand.

The UWSA has 28,000 soldiers, and can also count on the support of 8,000 security personnel including police, security guards and their own militia.

"Among other problems, it would cause an influx of refugees and an increase in drug smuggling, which would affect the relationship between Burma and Thailand," said Khuensai Jaiyen, editor-in-chief of the Shan Herald Agency for News.

An example of what might come is illustrated in the attack by SPDC forces on the Kokang group, the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), last August. The group refused to join the BGF, likening it to surrender.

Khwe Htoo

During the fighting, nearly 40,000 people fled to neighbouring China. In response, the Chinese Foreign Ministry urged the Burmese government to handle its internal affairs properly, while it worked behind the scenes to help solve the problem. Stability along the border is China's main priority.

In the end, the SPDC achieved its objective as the MNDAA, which struck a ceasefire agreement with the Burmese government in 1989, is no more. Most of their estimated 2,500 fighters fled to China and a small group joined the BGF on Dec 4.

"The BGF idea was first floated in April. The order was officially delivered on April 27 to the ceasefire groups in Tangyan, south of Lashio, the Shan State North capital, beginning with the UWSA.

"According to the order, the reorganisation should have been finished by October - six months after it was announced," Mr Khuensai said.

"The main objective of the order is that there must be only one army in the whole of Burma. Most of the ceasefire groups didn't like it."

Sai Wansai

When asked how he thinks it will end, he replied: "To leave it to the junta and CFGs [ceasefire groups] to sort out among themselves, is certainly a return to country-wide civil war. Right now, China is trying to restrain both sides, telling each to back off a few steps. If Asean, the EU [European Union] and the international community support China, we may end up with happier results."

Mr Khuensai says the Burmese army has been readying reinforcements and arms in preparation for fighting with the ceasefire groups. "The meaning is clear: Just submit to our wishes or face the consequences."

Ai Meung, a businessman closely connected to the UWSA leadership, says the UWSA and the SPDC forces are on high alert in expectation of a military showdown. The Burmese army has been reinforcing troops, and building bunkers and trenches along Wa areas, he says. The UWSA units on both the Chinese and Thai borders have also been making preparations and deploying troops and weapons.

"Our soldiers have been moving family members who live along the Thai-Burma border to safer areas; officials have been giving weapons to civilians who are willing to fight. What happened to the MNDAA could be repeated with the UWSA and with its estimated 36,000-strong combined security forces, the fight could be much bigger and bloodier. The Burmese would have to fight the UWSA both in the north and south of Shan State."

Maj-Gen Saw La Bwe

Ai Meung said that the UWSA's 171th Military Region, comprising five brigades stretching from Mongton to Tachilek townships opposite Thailand's Mae Hong Son, Chiang Mai and Chiang Rai provinces, is on full combat alert and ready to fight the SPDC.

''The SPDC tried to separate the 171th military region from the UWSA headquarters in Pang Sang located on the Chinese border, but until today orders from Pang Sang are still respected.

''Hopefully, some compromise can be found before the SPDC's deadline passes on Dec 31. It's already been extended several times. Any hostility could lead to a mass exodus of people across the border to China and Thailand.''

Ai Meung said that the UWSA's policy remained unchanged and they would not join the BGF.

''The UWSA held its Central Committee meeting in Pang Sang from Nov 26 to 28 and adopted policy of 'defending peace with arms'.

''The UWSA commanders were ordered to tell their soldiers to be united, defend their areas and to be prepared for war.

Mai Aik Phone

''In late April, several Burmese generals, including Lt-Gen Ye Myint, chief of the Military Affairs Security of the Defence Forces and secretary of the BGF Transformation Committee, travelled to Shan and Kachin states to meet leaders of the Kachin, Kokang, Shan and Wa ethnic armed groups based along the China-Burmese border.

''Then, in June, Ye Myint visited controlled areas of the UWSA, the MNDAA and the NDAA to persuade them of the Border Guard Force plan. The result was an attack on the MNDAA that effectively destroyed the group.''

Ai Meung said the BGF plan gives tighter control of ethnic armed groups to the Burmese military by putting all ethnic armies under the command of the commander-in-chief, Sen Gen Than Shwe, head of the SPDC.

''Most ceasefire groups oppose the order, preferring to maintain their current military status,'' he said, adding: ''There's also a possibility that other armed groups, whether ceasefire or rebels, could get sucked into the conflict.''

He also claimed that the UWSA and other groups had increased drug smuggling to China, Laos, Thailand and other countries in recent months to finance the purchase of weapons, ammunition, medical supplies, communications equipment and food.

READY TO FIGHT: United Wa State Army military go on parade to mark the 20th anniversary of what the Wa, renowned for their fearsome fighting skills, call peaceful construction of the state.

A Thai drugs officer, who requested anonymity, said drug smuggling into Thailand, especially ya ba (methaphetamines), has increased recently.

''We have made some large seizures of this drug, but the ratio of the drugs seized to those getting through is still about 10 to one.''

Gary Lewis, a representative of the United Nations Office on Drug and Crime, said in Bangkok on Nov 26 that Burma's rebel ethnic groups are increasingly cashing in their illegal drug hauls in expectations of a junta crackdown.

''Minority groups that feel under threat from the central government are using drug trafficking to sustain themselves and keep control of their territories,'' Mr Lewis said, without naming any group.

Mai Aik Phone, chairman of the anti-Burmese group, Palaung State Liberation Front (PSLF) who has many sources in the UWSA and other ceasefire groups, said the incorporation of ceasefire groups into the BGF and the militias would increase drug and human trafficking as well as other illegal activities across the border.

''Burma's order that ceasefire groups join the BFG and militia will affect Thailand. It will result in an increase in drug smuggling, human trafficking and other illegal activities across the border because some SPDC officers are interested in doing business as well,'' he said.

He said the problem stemmed from the SPDC order that all ethnic ceasefire groups be transferred to the command of the Defence Services, known as ''Tatmadaw'', as stipulated in the Burmese constitution adopted in May 2008.

TOO CLOSE: A UWSA camp opposite Mae Chan district in Chiang Rai province.

Mai Aik Phone said the SPDC plan involved three steps _ surrender, transform to a militia, and becoming the BGF under the command of the Tatmadaw.

''According to the SPDC's instructions, a battalion of BGF will comprise 326 personnel including 18 ethnic officers and another 30 from the SPDC army. Most of the key positions such as administration, personnel and material support departments are to be manned by the SPDC army officers.

''The BGF will become a subordinate organisation under the control of the SPDC military.''

Forming the BGF is causing problems for Burma. ''The SPDC has been attempting to disarm or weaken the ceasefire groups and control them by transforming their armed wings into the BGF or militias before the 2010 general election, which does not guarantee their basic rights.

''For the ceasefire groups, accepting transformation into the BGF would be worse than surrendering arms.

''It could create more civil war in Burma. Most of the ceasefire groups don't accept the BGF, but smaller ones have no choice but to agree to joining the BGF along the border, or militia and security forces inside the country.

THE OTHER SIDE: Troops of the Rangoon-backed Democratic Karen Buddhist Army.

He also said the UWSA and SPDC were readying troops for a possible conflict. ''The SPDC is deploying troops and equipment to Shan and Kachin states near the KIO and UWSA areas.''

Mai Aik Phone said the UWSA refused to transfer its entire army to come under the control of the BGF, but both sides were trying to negotiate.

''The UWSA are trying to compromise with the SPDC on three points: They don't want war; they do want to continue with the ceasefire agreement; and they do want to develop their area.

''If the SPDC breaks these agreements, they will still try peaceful means to solve the problem, by negotiating. But if the SPDC attacks them, as it did the MNDAA, they will fight and die for their homeland. The UWSA is prepared, and they are not afraid to fight.''

Timothy Laklem, head of foreign and public relations for the Karen National Union/Karen National Liberation Army-Peace Council, (KNU/KNLA - PC), says if the ceasefire and other groups refuse to join the BGF or the militia after the elections in 2010, they will become rebels which could lead to a war as they would have support from some Western countries.

Dr Laklem said the group led by former commander of the KNLA's 7th brigade Gen Htay Maung and has about 800 soldiers and was formed in February 2007.

''We left the KNU to make peace with the SPDC, so we can stop the violence against the Karen people.

''Nobody really understands why a BGF is necessary. The SPDC tried to explain that they want one army in Myanmar.

''We agree with it, but instead of BGF, why can't it be called the Myanmar Union Army. That would be more positive.

''We rejected the order because we believe that accepting the BGF role will only contribute to confusion, fear and conflicts resulting in disruption to the democratic process highlighted by the upcoming general elections,'' Dr Laklem said.

He said the Burmese military wanted to control the country's borders, which meant it had to deal with ethnic armies.

''At this time, only the DKBA and several small Karen groups inside the Karen and Karenni areas have agreed to join the BGF, but the large ethnic groups have not.

''They are cautious, which doesn't surprise me. They have similar concerns to us.

''The government shouldn't order ethnic armies to accept the BGF. This doesn't help us achieve unity but, in fact, splits us even more. What we should do is to sit down and talk about how best the country can come together.''

One of Burma's largest ceasefire groups, the NMSP, also rejected the BGF order and said they will not support or participate in the general elections.

''The NMSP representatives are invited to dinner parties, ceremonies and non-political friendly meetings by the SPDC who are trying their best to sign them up,'' said Mr Khuensai.

One group that has joined the BGF is another KNU splinter group, the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA).

Major General Saw La Bwe, also known as Na Kam Mui and who commands the DKBA's 6th brigade close to the Thai border, told Spectrum that most of his people are happy with the new arrangement.

''Development along the border is our main objective because we want our people to be prosperous. After joining the BGF, we can receive salaries, cars, rations, food, medical help as well as uniforms and ammunition from the Burmese government.

''I have been here waiting for many years for this to come to pass, so we do not have to carry the burden of looking after our army. We should accept anything that is good for our people.

''We have been staying along the border acting as an unofficial border guard force and I am waiting for it to be recognised legally.

''Yes, some people in our group still hesitate about the new arrangement because no one knows what the result will be.

''The DKBA has had a military alliance with the Burmese government since early 1994 and it has worked well so far.''

Col James Lum Dau, deputy chief for foreign affairs of Ceasefire Kachin Independent Organisation (KIO), wasn't so optimistic. ''The SPDC wants to destroy everything. We must give up our military and come under the SPDC's control.

''At a time when we are trying to accomplish everything by means of politics, the SPDC wants to do something else. They want to dissolve the KIO and its armed wing, the Kachin Independence Army.''

Joining the BGF would be ''total surrender'', a return to the situation before the ceasefire agreement was reached in October 1993.

We are not supposed to be acting as troops guarding borders. Right now we are not an enemy to any country. Myanmar has borders with five countries: China, Bangladesh, Laos, Vietnam, Thailand and India. We don't have any enemies there, so why should we be the border force?

''The ceasefire was intended as the first step to democracy, followed by the election, but now everything is going backward.''

Saw Khwe Htoo Win, chairman of the Karen National Union (KNU), Mergui-Tavoy district, believes the SPDC is serious about forming the BGF.

''They want to bring all ceasefire groups under the BGF because they want to keep them under their control. It is a big issue in Burma. The BGF would allow the Burmese regime to monopolise the military wings of the ethnic ceasefire groups, giving them greater control in managing border security after the election next year.

''The BGF would allow the Burmese regime to monopolise the military wings of the ethnic ceasefire groups to manage the border security after the general election in 2010.

He claimed that some DKBA officers didn't agree with the decision to join the BGF. ''They might fight the SPDC, causing an influx of refugees into Thailand. The same might occur if fighting erupts between the UWSA and the SPDC.

''The Burmese reached the ceasefire with 17 ethnic groups many years ago but now they are moving against them.''

Sai Wansai, general secretary of the anti-Burmese government Shan Democratic Union (SDU), said: ''The 2008 SPDC's self-drawn constitution, which was said to be approved by more than 90% of people, is a joke and everyone knows that it has been manipulated and rigged by the military.

''The ceasefire armies were part of the National Convention which was entrusted to draw up the constitution. But the convention was stage-managed from the beginning and the ceasefire armies' proposal for genuine federalism, with equal rights and self-determination, was rejected by the SPDC.

''The SPDC is now pushing for its BGF programme to swallow all the ethnic resistance movements and the ceasefire groups are now at the receiving end of forceful integration into Burma army, which would spell the end of their striving for self-determination.''

http://www.bangkokpost.com/news/investigation/29198/no-united-army-for-us-rebels-vow

ENC Information

www.encburma.org

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Careful to travel with MAI Air LIne to Singapore

• Posted by Koji
• Hi......... All of my friends here, I just share this post not to face disappointed experiences like me.
  I lost one bag when I went back to Myanmar last 4th Nov with MAI for my holidays about 2 months.
  I want to share how I felt up with this and how MAI is nice.
  As soon as I got to Yangon airport, I can’t find one of my bags and I got to Lost & Found session of MAI.
  At that time, so many passengers came to this area that they lost their bags.
  At that time, MAI just announced that 160 bags of passengers were left in Singapore because of the flight was overweight and will come on coming Friday flight.
  How nice is that? How they take care of the passengers whenever we stay in Mandalay or other towns.
  I got a problem that I can’t wait for the bag to go back to Mandalay.
  One week later, I knew that my bag was lost that is not in Singapore and not get to Myanmar.
  How nice is the security system?
  As soon as I knew that my bag was lost, I called them and they asked me to sign one form.
  What they asked?
  Really, surprised thing that I am ok for my loosing bag not to make a problem.
  How nice is that they dare to ask for my sign not to take their responsibility?
  I think this is MAI standard to take care of the passengers.
  By making so many things to up me felt up and by delaying the time until I went back to Singapore, they decided to give me 200USD that I accept it or not.
  I lost the things about 800S$ (600USD) in this bag.
  Before they made decision, I faced so many things that I went to Yangon airport and MAI office at Sakura tower from Mandalay.
  How nice is my holiday journey from Mandalay to Yangon? How much do I need to spend?
  I don’t care about money but I don’t want they make me felt up until I gave up.
  They may think of that I felt up and I will not come again and again.
  I never gave up whenever they asked me to come and meet them.
  In this case, I really sorry for my cousin in Yangon went to airport and Sakura tower so many times when I was in Mandalay whenever they asked.
  One day before I came back to Singapore, I call MAI that I don’t need money and I’ll write down a blog to know everyone to be appreciated with wonderful air line.
  But one of the ladies of Lost & Found session apologised to me not to do like this and I can take out payment now at Sakura tower.
  You see, how nice is that I didn’t get like this small amount of money until I went back.
  I will let you know in details on my blog. I think, you can imagine how nice is that and what they did with me by cheating.
  By the way, if someone reading my post who is familiar with MAI, please let them know that I start writing the blog to be appreciated.
  I will prepare well including photos and voice recorded with my phone.
  I think, most of the staffs of MAI in Myanmar know very well about me because of this case and I don’t need to introduce who I am.
  And then, I need to say thanks to MAI that you try to give me 200USD one day before I went back.
  I am really appreciated and very best air line in my mind with very good management system for a passenger by taking the time about 2 months.
  Thank you MAI.
  Don’t miss out to read my blog to know who are your best staffs and how they talk to the passengers by covering MAI on my hand phone recorded.
  
  
  From forward mail

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Wealthy Generals afraid to declare their asset and property in coming election.

News on the grapevine cause big shock for rich Generals, Ministers and

Deputy Ministers in junta as rumor said everyone plan to participate in

coming election are to declare their personal and family’s assets and

properties. Corrupted junta’s members suspect some of not very wealthy

jealous fellow member instigate that issue to provoke the riches.

We all understand that every democratically elected government in good

intention for People and State must dare to practice in declaring their

assets and properties with clear conscience. Such was even introduced and

practice in People Republic of China and neighboring countries were matured

in that system for more than two decades. Actually that system is not a

peculiar but a routine practice in many countries of the world.

Now in Burma, only for the candidates intended to participate in election

are eligible for declaring their assets and properties so according to

illegitimate constitution drawn by junta that President, Vice President and

Commander in Chief of Army are not necessary to be the elected members of

People’s Assembly and they are excluded or exempted to declare their assets

and properties.

We roughly learnt the assets and properties of junta’s members which are

obviously can see by general public (but excluding of jewelries and foreign

currencies in other countries banks) and following are some excerpts;

(1) Senior General Than Shwe and family.

General Than Shwe has eight sons and daughters. Each one of them is rich in

the amount of not less than US$ 10 millions. So for their family of ten

members are roughly rich in amount of US$ 100 millions. Some example for our

calculation is that one of the General Than Shwe’s daughters Ma Pyone took

free of charge for 2 acres plot of Kamayut Township administration office

own by Ministry of Home Affairs in Pyay Road in front of old Rangoon

University. That compound worth more than US$ 10 millions. They also took

the State own former Kan-Thar-Yar hospital on the bank of Inya lake next to

IBC building and many others State and army own plots and compounds around

in the area of Inya lake without paying any single cent but all in free of

charge. Office of Myanmar InfoTech in Pyay road is also own by Tun Naing

Shwe, son of U Than Shwe.

(2) General Maung Aye and family.

He has only one daughter but an army of nephews and nieces are sharing the

advantages of opportunities thus all his own assets could reach to US$ 100

millions easily. His daughter Nandar Aye own Queen Star company, which is

importing computers, accessories and IT related goods without permit and

import duty so benefit is definite that they can make US$ 20 millions profit

annually. Nandar Aye also married to Lieutenant Commander Pye Aung, son of

Myanmar’s notorious Ali Barber U Aung Thaung so their wealth is uncountable.

(3) General Thura Shwe Mann and family.

He has two sons. Elder son Toe Aung Mann married to daughter of Zay Kabar

Khin Shwe. State own properties of Karaweik Palace and Mya-Yeik-Nyo hotel

are already change the ownership to them with payment for free of charge.

Younger son Aung Thet Mann is associated with notorious Tayza, the most

hated creature in the country by people, and running Htoo Company, which is

grabbing all State own forest and all resources thus their family assets

exceeding the amount of over the US$ 1000 millions.

There are altogether of Generals, Ministers, Deputy Ministers and Regional

Commanders, which can reach to at least 300 persons and if calculation make

base on the minimum amount of US$ 10 millions per person, total sum will be

in US$ 3000 millions. If that entire amount is used for the development of

the country, we can get electricity running for 24 hours in every corner of

the country, all the roads in best condition and hospitals can be

competitive with famous ones in neighboring countries.

All that money in the hands of junta’s family are never been earned by their

legal income but all are stealing from the State coffer.

Regards,

Thu Ye Kaung.

from: forward mail

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Influx Of Burmese Refugees To Fort Wayne Drops

FORT WAYNE, Ind. (AP) — The number of Burmese refugees resettling in the Fort Wayne area dropped in 2009 as the federal government responded to the recession by moving fewer refugees to northeastern Indiana.

While 2009's number is still the third-highest number of refugees welcomed in a year, The Journal Gazette reports that it's far below the more than 800 refugees that arrived in 2007.The State Department says about 300 Burmese refugees resettled in the Fort Wayne area between October 2008 and October 2009 — about half the number aid agencies had been expecting.

Burmese refugees have been fleeing Myanmar, also called Burma, for decades to escape its ruling military government. Since the 1990s, many have been sent to Fort Wayne.

Human-services agencies say Fort Wayne is now believed to have the largest concentration of Burmese refugees in the U.S., estimated at more than 5,000.

http://www.wsbt.com

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Close the Gap for Burmese Refugees

Like Burma's other neighbors, India hosts a large and growing refugee population, the majority of whom are Chin ethnic minorities. India generally tolerates the presence of Burmese refugees, but does not afford them any legal protection, leaving them vulnerable to harassment, discrimination, and deportation. While India's lack of a legal regime for refugees is a major impediment to addressing the needs of Burmese refugees, the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) and international donors need to explore creative ways to work within the existing framework to provide assistance and increase protection for this population.
RecommendationsThe US government and other international leaders should support the Government of India's efforts to develop and approve domestic refugee law to confer legal status and protection to Burmese refugees, among others. The Government of India should also allow UNHCR to access Burmese refugee populations throughout the country.
UNHCR should work to refine its assistance programs in India with the active cooperation of Chin community-based organizations. International donors including the U.S., UK, EU, and Australia should provide additional assistance to UNHCR for these programs.
International donors should explore providing resources to Chin community-based organizations and Indian civil society groups to increase assistance to refugees in Delhi and the Northeast. This funding should include resources to support capacity building for Chin community-based organizations.
Refugees International assessed the situation for Chin refugees in India in November 2009.
View the full report at www.refugeesinternational.org.

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The Military Regime's Persecution on Chin Christians

A hamlet with tarpaulin-roofed, intended to store construction materials to build a hostel for christian technological students, in Tharyarwaddy Village, Htomar tract,Kalay Township, Sagaing Division, was destroyed during the school holidays by thugs, taking the chance of holidays. It was noticed by a student who visited that place on November 10. The hostel was intended for a chapel and for the students who are from remote places who have difficulty to rent private hostel.
To materialize the building, the students have been contributing cash from their pocket money for nine years already. The plot could be bought in 2005 and the foundation was also laid. However, the construction could not be continued due to difficulties during 2006 and 2007. The building posts were erected on Nov 27 2008 and construction was carried out. Meanwhile, Chairman of Kalay Township Peace and development Council U Ko Ko Lat forbade unlawfully the construction that it could not be completed. Though the construction was stopped, military regime backed USDA and Shuan Arr Shin, the thugs, completely destroyed the unfinished building unlawfully. The students themselves took part in the construction voluntarily. The construction materials collected for years, were, confiscated unlawfully and kept at the house of Tharyarwaddy Headman. The case was complaint to the Regional Operation Commander but there was no fair and clear explanation till today. According to an eye witness of a student, the loss is estimated to over 2 million kyats.
Therefore, a tent to store the remains of the building was rebuilt by the students on June 6, 2009. The Chairman of Kalay TPDC, forbade the construction again, and it was stopped. The Rector of Technological University gave pressure on the students not to continue the construction too. In fear of the clash that might occur between students and USDA and Shuan Arr Shin, the construction was not destroyed immediately after it was forbidden. The destruction was started again in this month during the holiday. According to the student who had been to the place, two of the posts were cut down and the others were destroyed badly, and the tarpaulin roof was torn apart." I asked some villagers that who did and when was destroyed but in fear of a problem with the student, there might be, the villagers told me nothing about it " explained the student. The loss at this time is not worth mention compare with the previous loss of over 2 million kyats in November 2008 added the student.
To assess this incidence, the trip of Major General Tha Aye, Brigadier General Humngai and Brigadier General Win Myint to Chin State during the first week of November, the first meeting with local church leaders within 20 years, a campaign for pre-election, and their quotation of the verse in the Bible, all are superficial.The evil deeds of USDA and Shuan Arr Shin, the thugs, in Tharyarwaddy village, at the foothill of Chin Hill where Technological University of Kalay is located, prove their true attitude. This also show what the military regime's " Disciplined Democracy" really is.

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US officials hold talks in Myanmar in policy shift

The United States began a new policy of engagement with Myanmar's ruling military junta on Tuesday, sending two senior diplomats for the highest-level visit in more than a decade.

Assistant Secretary of State Kurt Campbell, the top U.S. diplomat for East Asia, and his deputy, Scot Marciel, held talks with junta officials and also were to meet detained pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, embassy spokesman Richard Mei said.

Suu Kyi, a Nobel Peace Prize laureate, has been detained for 14 of the past 20 years.

The Obama administration has reversed the Bush administration's isolation of Myanmar in favor of direct, high-level talks with a country that has been ruled by the military since 1962.

"Mr. Campbell's visit is the beginning of a new U.S. engagement policy toward Myanmar. This is the first step of the engagement but we have to see what comes out of the new engagement policy," said Nyan Win, spokesman for Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy party.

Campbell is the highest-ranking U.S. official to visit Myanmar since a September 1995 trip by then-U.N. Ambassador Madeleine Albright.

The American diplomats flew Tuesday from neighboring Thailand to Myanmar's administrative capital of Naypyitaw in a U.S. Air Force plane, Mei said. He said Campbell was continuing talks he began in September in New York with senior Myanmar officials, which were the first such high-level contact in nearly a decade.

Evening news broadcasts on Myanmar's state television did not mention the two-day visit.

Myanmar government officials said Campbell would meet Prime Minister Gen. Thein Sein early Wednesday. The officials, who spoke on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to speak to journalists, said Campbell held talks with several Cabinet ministers and other officials Tuesday.

Nyan Win said Campbell would meet with Suu Kyi in Yangon on Wednesday and then hold talks with other NLD leaders at the party headquarters.

Suu Kyi was recently sentenced to an additional 18 months of house arrest for briefly sheltering an uninvited American, in a trial that drew global condemnation. She is one of an estimated 2,100 detained political prisoners.

The United States has long imposed tough political and economic sanctions meant to force Myanmar's generals to respect human rights, release imprisoned political activists and make democratic reforms.

Washington has said it will maintain the sanctions until talks with Myanmar's generals result in change.

Campbell said last month if Myanmar doesn't address U.S. worries, "we will reserve the option of tightening sanctions on the regime and its supporters as appropriate."

The Kachin Post

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Burmese Timber Still Smuggled to China

There has been a sharp decline in timber illegally imported into China from Burma, but smugglers are still supplying Chinese companies that export the wood to Europe, America and throughout the world, an environmental watchdog agency said Wednesday.

The British-based group Global Witness, in a report issued Wednesday, called on Chinese and Burmese authorities to step up efforts to stop illegal logging in northern Burma and crack down on illicit cross-border trade.

"Clearly action taken by authorities in China and Burma to combat illegal logging in Kachin state has had a significant positive impact," Global Witness quotes its forest policy expert, Jon Buckrell, saying. "But they should do more to close down the remaining industry, which is almost wholly reliant on the illegal timber supply from Burma."

After an October 2005 report by Global Witness alleged that vast stretches of virgin forest were being destroyed to feed China's growing demand for wood, Beijing sought to curb the trade by closing border crossings to timber trucks from its southern neighbor. The military government of Burma—also known as Myanmar—announced it had suspended timber cutting, transport and shipments to China.

In the 2005 report, Global Witness described the area where the forests were being cut as "very possibly the most bio-diverse, rich, temperate area on earth"—a place home to red pandas, leopards and tigers. It said that China depended largely on imported lumber from Malaysia, Russia, Burma, Indonesia and Gabon after it banned the felling of its own old-growth trees in 1998.

China became the biggest foreign investor in Burma this past year, and is the closest ally of its military regime, which is shunned by the West because of its poor human rights record and failure to hand over power to a democratically elected government.

The new report, "A Disharmonious Trade," said trade data showed that imports of logs and sawed wood from Burma to China fell by more than 70 percent between 2005 and 2008, confirming a trend found by the group's own field investigations.

But smugglers use "bribery, false papers, transportation at night and avoiding checkpoints" to get around the restrictions on sending the wood to China, the report said.

China's Foreign Ministry and Burma's Forestry Department did not immediately respond to requests for comment.

Global Witness said its researchers had visited flooring companies on China's east coast to gauge the availability of timber from Burma, and found widespread use of teak from Burma, along with other high value species such as black walnut.

Global Witness said its investigators were told by 13 of the 14 firms visited that it was still possible for them to obtain timber from Burma despite the import restrictions, and that several admitted that their supplies were obtained through smuggling.

The report said the Chinese companies export worldwide, including to the United States and Europe. It said some US based companies advertise wood flooring from Burma, although under a US law amended by Congress last year, the Lacey Act, it is illegal to import illegally obtained plants and their products, including timber and wood products.

Irrawaddy

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Elderly Face Lonely Challenges

By SOE LWIN

PYAPON, Irrawaddy delta—Tin Mya, 68, had a backyard poultry business. She managed to put away some money and gold. With her savings, she dreamed of having a comfortable life when she could no longer work.

Her dream became a nightmare when her gold and money—valued at the equivalent of US $500—disappeared when Cyclone Nargis pummeled Rangoon and the Irrawaddy Delta in May 2008.

A woman walks down a dirt road near Laputta Township in Irrawaddy delta. Cyclone Nargis, the worst natural disaster recorded in Burma's history, slammed into it's delta in May, 2008, killing more then 130,000 people and leaving 2.4 million destitute. (Photo: Reuters)

"I tried to keep my plastic sack of gold and money with me until the flood waters reached to my waist,” Tin Mya recalled. “But when I was hit by a giant wave, the sack was washed away."

Since the storm, Tin Mya has relied on food aid to survive. When the aid stops, she doesn’t know how she will find food. She believes she will never be able to rebuild her backyard business.

The Category 4 storm—the worst natural disaster in Burma’s modern history—killed close to 140,000 people and affected more than 2 million.

Like Tin Mya, there are still thousands of vulnerable elderly people who now face even harder times, 17 months after Cyclone Nargis.

According to HelpAge International, of the 2.4 million people affected by the cyclone, an estimated 200,000 were 55 years or older at the time of the disaster.

Humanitarian aid workers say elderly people face greater challenges in terms of restoring livelihoods, earning incomes and living a healthy life, physically and mentally.

Many have forever lost the assets that they accumulated over their lifetime, and in many cases they have lost loved ones who they relied on for economic and physical support.

According to a HelpAge International report, 14 percent of the elderly said their life was more difficult now than before Nargis, while 21 percent said their life was back to normal.

In Burma, the elderly usually receive high respect within a community, which is a benefit for many old people, the aid agency said.

"Those who had no children particularly have been facing tough times,” said an official from the Myanmar [Burma] Red Cross Society. “The respect of their community is very helpful.”

In Thamainhtaw village in Pyapon Township, a 73-year old man who lost his wife in the cyclone said he does not how he would have survived without his neighbors help.

Three of his neighbors fetch potable water and cook for him, he said. At night, they come and sleep in his shelter.

“Now, food aid has stopped in our village,” he said. “But my neighbors are feeding me.”

According to aid agencies, many elderly without relatives are stranded in their makeshift houses and relying solely on food aid. Many are in need of psychological counseling and suffer from trauma and depression. Some elderly people still refuse to speak, say aid workers.

"The psychological well-being of older people is so much related to the material support given to them," said an official with HelpAge.

In the meanwhile, many elderly carry on, trying to carve out a new way of life.

In Pyapon, a small village, a man in his 80s who lost his wife and one grandson to the cyclone, stays in a shelter built by aid workers.

“At night, I sleep at my home, but during the day I go to the monastery where I can chat with people my age and do religious work,” he said. “If I’m hungry, the monk gives me food.”

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DKBA Takes Aim at Brigade 5

About 2,000 Karen villagers have been forced to relocate by the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA) since May, as the pro-junta ethnic army takes up position to move into northern Karen State where the Karen National Union’s (KNU) Brigade 5 is based, according to Karen sources.

According to a Karen relief group, the Karen Office for Relief and Development (KORD), the estimated 2,000 Karen villagers are from six villages in Papun District and were forced to relocate to a makeshift jungle camp known as Thapepan, which is controlled by the DKBA.

Photo taken in June, 2009 shows a family of Karen refugees resting under a temporary shelter on the Thai-Burmese border. An offensive against Karen rebels at that time caused some 4,000 people fleeing for safety. (Photo: Getty Images)

Maw Law, a KORD field relief worker who recently returned from northern Karen State, said the DKBA has recently been recruiting members from among the villagers and has forbidden them from leaving the relocation site.

“They won’t even let villagers go out of the camp to forage for food,” said Maw Law.

He speculated that the DKBA wants to cut the Karen villagers’ lines of communication with the KNU’s military wing, the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA).

About 35 villagers escaped and ran away from the relocation camp due to the restrictions, said Maw Law.

After seizing KNLA Brigade 7 in June, the DKBA vowed to launch a military operation against KNLA Brigade 5 in Papun District by September.

A member of the Free Burma Rangers, a locally based relief group, said DKBA battalions are active in Mae Mwe areas in Papun District and that the DKBA soldiers were trying to “clean up” KNLA Brigade 5 in Papun district.

Fighting in Papun district is now reported every day, he said.

Col Chit Thu, the commander of DKBA Battalion 999, had planned to establish a new battalion in Mae Mwe and personally take command of the operation in KNLA Brigade 5, Karen sources said.

However, he was reportedly forced to abandon his plan when he had to undergo an urgent medical operation.

The DKBA has in recent months been recruiting locals as soldiers as it looks to increase its troop strength from 6,000 to 9,000, which will help balance the Burmese army-dominated border guard force in the area.

Due to forced recruitment and fighting in KNLA Brigade 7 in June, more than 3,000 Karen villagers fled into Thailand’s Tha Song Yang District.

Karen sources on the Thai-Burmese border said DKBA soldiers will replace Burmese government troops positioned along the Salween River border in Papun District by 2010.

Trade at Brigade 5 on the Thai-Burmese border includes building supplies, food and cattle.

One shopkeeper in Mae Sam Leap, a border port where many traders operate, said businessmen in the town were worried about restrictions on trade should the DKBA control the border zone.

Some Karen sources said that restrictions will also impact on Karen relief groups and the KNU, with humanitarian assistance such as medical supplies, foods, clothes and other commodities being confiscated or highly taxed.

Brigade 5 is the main channel where aid and supplies pass en route to KNU brigades 1, 2 and 3.

“Transportation will be restricted if the DKBA takes control because they don’t really have law and order,” Maw Law said. “They just do whatever they want.”

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ENC wants ethnic groups to contest 2010 elections

A group of Burma’s ethnic political organizations in exile – the Ethnic Nationalities Council (ENC) - has urged US Senator James Webb not to condemn the junta’s 2010 election before it takes place but to call for more inclusiveness and for it to be free and fair.

by Mungpi

In a letter to Sen. Webb, a strong advocate of engagement with the Burmese regime, two days before he hosted a Congressional hearing on Burma, the ENC urged the Virginian Senator that the US can best help by “Not condemning the 2010 elections before they are held.”

“But instead call for a more inclusive election process that will be free and fair. Electoral assistance can be offered either directly or indirectly through neighbouring countries,” said the letter dated September 28, 2009.

The letter, a copy of which is in Mizzima’s possession, was sent to Senator Webb in appreciation for his interest in the Burma issue and as an explanation on the nature of the complex problems of Burma’s diverse ethnic minorities.

Webb on Wednesday hosted a Congressional hearing on Burma where four experts gave their testimony on what should be the policy of the US towards Burma and the potential role that the US can play in bringing change in the military-ruled Southeast Asian nation.

The letter signed by Saw David Thaw, General Secretary of the ENC, states that ‘in principle’ ethnic nationalities in Burma cannot accept the junta’s 2008 constitution and does not believe that the 2010 elections will lead to democracy.

But the ENC argues that since the ethnics are left with little or no choice, they will have to participate in the elections, because “If there are no opposition parties, the military’s candidates will win by default. The military (and the majority ethnic ‘Burman’) candidates will then become the “elected representatives” of the seven ethnic states.”

Besides, the ENC said, if the ethnic armed ceasefire groups refuse to participate, they will be forced to revert to armed struggle, which will then cause further complications.

Burma under the current administration has seven states, which are home to seven major ethnic groups, and seven divisions, which have no particular attachment to any ethnic groups but are mostly known as habitats of the majority Burmans.

In view of the ENC’s policy of ethnic groups having a voice in Burma’s national politics, participating in governance and development of their homelands, the letter urged Senator Webb not to condemn the 2010 elections until it takes place but to urge the Burmese junta to make it more inclusive and free and fair.

The letter also states that the US can best help the people of Burma by providing assistance in civic education on elections and helping civil organizations that are educating potential political candidates on how to run for office and on democratic governance. And also to support groups that are educating the people about their rights and preparing local organizations on how to monitor the forthcoming elections.

The letter, which for the first time reveals ENC’s policy, states that ENC’s short-term policy is to support eligible ethnic groups in running for office in the 2010 elections.

It also said the ENC’s long-term policy is to develop a robust civil society that will be capable of holding an elected government accountable to the people.

“While the Burmese military will remain in control after the 2010 elections, it is our hope that representatives elected by the people will be able to help hold the military accountable to their own constitution,” said the letter.

“It is also our hope that the new government will be more open to negotiating a political solution with the ethnic groups that are still engaged in armed struggle,” added the letter.

In contrast to the ENC’s policy, the Committee Representing Peoples’ Parliament (CRPP), a group formed with 1990 election winning parties, said unless the regime amends the 2008 constitution, the elections would be meaningless and the CRPP would not contest.

Aye Thar Aung, Secretary of the CRPP, told Mizzima on Friday, “Without amending the 2008 constitution, the ethnics can do nothing even if they participate and are elected. They would just end up as puppets of the junta.”

He said the CRPP as well as Aung San Suu Kyi’s party – the National League for Democracy – have both demanded that the junta release political prisoners, amend the 2008 constitution, and recognize the 1990 election results.

“Unless these demands are met, we the CRPP and the ALD, will not participate in the elections,” Aye Thar Aung, who is also secretary for the Arakan League for Democracy, said.

“And without the junta fulfilling these demands, I would like to urge ethnic groups and others not to participate in the elections,” he added.

The CRPP, formed in September 1998, is an alliance of ethnic political parties that won elections in 1990, which the junta refused to honour. Its members include the NLD, ALD, Shan National League for Democracy (SNLD), Mon National Democratic Front (MNDF) and Zomi National Congress (ZNC).

Burma’s military rulers, as the fifth step of its seven-step roadmap to democracy, said it will hold general elections in 2010, that will elect a semi-civilian government based on the 2008 constitution, which according to the junta was approved by over 90 per cent of voters in May last year.

Critics said the junta’s roadmap is to buy-time and to cement the role of military in Burma’s future politics.

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KIO wants partial cooperation with junta

by Phanida

Chiang Mai (Mizzima) – The Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), an ethnic armed group in Northern Burma, have proposed the junta to cooperate with some of its departments. Representatives of the KIO put up their proposal during a meeting with Commander of the junta’s Northern Command Maj-Gen. Soe Win on Tuesday, where they also discussed on the junta’s proposal to transform the Kachin independence Army (KIA), armed wing of KIO, into the Border Guard Force (BGF). “Soe Win just wanted us to accept their proposal. We told them we would transform some of our departments, which can work in tandem with the junta’s departments. It is in the discussion stage,” a KIO official, who attended the meeting, told Mizzima. “Our agriculture, forest conservation, education and health departments will cooperate with them. We will build school buildings along with them. We have communicated this,” the official added. Led by Vice-Chairman Gauri Zau Sai the KIO delegation to the meeting included at least 10 departmental heads such as the agriculture, health, education, forest conservation, regional developments. The junta’s delegation was led by the Regional Commander Maj. Gen. Soe Win and Col. Thet Pone from Military Affairs Security (MAS) along with others. During the meeting, the junta’s commander, however, made no response to the KIO’s proposal of allowing some of its departments to cooperate with the Burmese army. The meeting ended with both sides agreeing to meet again in a few days. In late April, the Burmese junta proposed all ceasefire armed groups to transform their armed wings into the Border Guard Force. Following the proposal, KIO leaders and military commanders met at least eight times and discuss over the proposal. Despite of the much pressures by the junta, the KIO convened a mass meeting on September 5, at a KIO controlled town of Laiza at the Sino-Burmese border. The meeting, attended 324 delegates including religious leaders, Kachin culture groups, and Kachin social groups, adopted a resolution to transform to the KIO into a Kachin Regional Guard Force (KRGF) to be maintained and administered by the KIO instead of the BGF. On September, the MAS Chief Lt. Gen. Ye Myint told the KIO in a meeting to take a final decision on the BGF issue by October. Later, six top rank KIO leaders including Vice-Chairman Dr. Tu Ja resigned from their posts and formed the Kachin State Progressive Party (KSPP) to contest the 2010 general election.

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Apprehensive Burmese Await Arrival of New Banknote

By AUNG THET WINE

RANGOON — The arrival of a new Burmese bank note with a face value of 5,000 kyat (about US $5) is being viewed with concern and suspicion by many people, from housewives to economists. Some see it as a move by junta leader Snr-Gen Than Shwe to consolidate his power after consulting soothsayers.

A cross section of Burmese public opinion interviewed by The Irrawaddy in Rangoon agreed that the arrival of a 5,000 kyat note in an economy where the highest denomination at present is 1,000 kyat ($1) will mean a rise in the cost of living. The announcement alone that a 5,000 kyat note is to be issued on Oct. 1 caused the exchange rate of the Burmese currency to drop and gold prices to rise.

A woman selling nuts falls asleep as she waits for customers in a market place in Rangoon. (Photo: AP)

Economists interviewed byThe Irrawaddy agreed that the new banknote was being introduced at an unfavorable time into an uncertain economic environment.

"While the current global economic crisis drove gold prices lower and created instability for the US dollar, the Burmese kyat appreciated in value,” said one Rangoon economist. “Burmese producers and business people trusted the kyat rather than gold or dollars. The government should have maintained the kyat in this position of trust and should not have issued this new note.”

Many academics and experts agreed that the government was introducing the 5,000 kyat note to ease the budget deficit problems created by excessive spending.

“The government built Naypyidaw, it has increased the salaries of public servants many times over, the military has been consuming more and more. It is obvious that the junta is issuing the new currency notes because of its budget deficit", the Rangoon economist said.

At street level, the introduction of the 5,000 kyat note is likely to hit Burmese traders and consumers alike, experts agreed.

Banknotes in denominations of 50, 100 and 200 kyat are already in short supply and could become rarer after they are joined by 5,000 kyat notes.

“There will definitely be a problem when it comes to changing money and prices will inevitably rise,” said a Dagon University economics lecturer.

“For instance, if there is a limited supply of smaller notes in circulation, goods previously priced at 250 kyat could be sold at 300 kyat, a 400 kyat price tag could become 500 kyat,” he explained.

Economists agreed that the government could help ease inflationary pressures if it kept the general public fully informed about its economic policies.

"The government can prevent hyper-inflation if it lets the public know the total value of the new notes and also makes sure there are sufficient supplies of the smaller notes in circulation,” said one university economist.

“I’m not saying there won’t be inflation, however,” he said. “The new notes will definitely have an inflationary impact.”

One researcher said it could take six months or a year for the inflationary effect of the new banknote to take effect, although there could be further short-term movements in the price of gold and the exchange rate of the dollar as business people looked for secure places to park their kyat holdings.

"Industrialists and business people fearful of a drop in the value of their assets will look for alternatives, such as gold, US dollars or real estate,” said a Rangoon businessman. “The prices of these assets will then soar.”

Many Burmese believe the reason for the introduction of the 5,000 kyat note is based not on the material foundations of economic policy but on another of Than Shwe’s whims.

The Burmese for the number 5,000 is nga htaung—which also happens to mean “I am still standing” or “I am surviving.”

Some draw attention to the bizarre decision by the former dictator Ne Win to introduce new banknotes in denominations of 45 kyat and 90 kyat. “Nine was his lucky number,” said a Rangoon resident. Similarly, Than Shwe is issuing a 5,000 kyat note after advice from his astrologer.”

The white elephant that appears on one side of the new note also has mystical meaning, according to some.

Since the 1988 coup, Burmese banknotes have carried the picture of a lion, which replaced the portrait of the country’s independence hero Aung San.

Old banknotes with the portrait of Aung San are hoarded in many Burmese households.

“People they feel some kind of trust in banknotes bearing the portrait of Aung San,” said a professor at the Rangoon Institute of Economics. “If you want the people to maintain their trust in their country’s currency, it should be engraved with the emblems and symbols which people value.”

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Chemical Laced Mortars To Be Used Against Ethnic Rebels

Unique mortars laced with chemical ingredients are being supplied by the junta to its military battalions in Kachin State and Shan State, said sources close to the army.

Burmese troops have been instructed by the army that the unique shells, marked with red, yellow and green colours, are to be used in war on the orders of the Burmese Army, said Burmese soldiers in Northeast Shan State.

The places where these mortar shells explode, people will show three symptoms like feeling faint, have breathing difficulties and lose their eyesight, the sources said.

Army sources said the mortars were received from North Korea but the Burmese Army also has mortars made in China, Russia and India.

Two military trucks carrying these mortars have been despatched to the Burmese Army’s No. 1 Nyaung Pin military base on the mountain top near Mongkoe in Northeast Shan State, early this month, said insiders.

During the clash between Burmese troops and Kokang rebels also called the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) from August 27 to 29, in rebel territory in Northeast Shan State, the Burmese Army fired the mortar once, said sources close to the MNDAA.

After a single mortar was fired, rebels and civilians in the area had bleeding noses and ears, said rebel sources.

During the war between the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and the Burmese Army in Nam Yun-Pang Sau in Hukawng Valley in western Kachin State in 1992, Burmese warplanes dropped bombs laced with chemicals on the KIA.

The effect of the bombing left some KIA soldiers finding it difficult to walk and many had problems of physical locomotion, said KIA soldiers who took part in the war.

Sources said the Burmese Army is planning to use more heavy mortars, tanks and warplanes rather than a large number of soldiers in the event of war with ethnic ceasefire groups--- KIA, United Wa State Army (UWSA) and Mongla-based National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA), which is expected soon.

At the moment, China is preparing three new refugee camps for Burmese near the Burma border in its Yunnan province. It is urging its citizens in east of Burma to return home, according to the Chinese media and border sources.

KNG

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